Tuesday, December 16, 2008

The Syrian Mafia boss and known KILLER, Bashar al-Assad, and Asef Shawkat's end user of the White House Murder Inc. Black Operations for decades.

"We have to look at USA’s intentions towards Lebanon by the facts on the ground, undisputed facts of assassinations carried out by the infamous White House Murder Inc, starting with the assassination of Mr. Elie Hobeika January 24th 2002, not by what USA, Israel, Egypt, Jordan, KSA, Syria, Europe are saying...." -



The Lebanese should know that all their troubles come from meddling outsiders — Saudis, Americans, the French, Syrians, and Iranians and Israelis with layers of intelligence services deeply entrenched for decades in Lebanon with whole bloodlines carrying within family traditions...— but are reluctant to own up to the reality that foreign intervention amplifies existing internal problems. Unraveling the sectarian nature of our state is the only solution forward, but it's nothing more than a pipe dream at this point. Most Lebanese are not ready to let go of their subdued yet festering sectarian prejudices...

The Syrian Mafia boss and known KILLER, Bashar al-Assad, and Asef Shawkat's end user of the White House Murder Inc. Black Operations for decades...

Separate visits by two Lebanese Christian leaders to Iran in the past two months could provide a major indicator of the direction that the wider Lebanese Christian community will take in the future...

The first visit was made by General Michel Aoun, the leader of the liberal trend, which adopted a strongly supportive position regarding the Hezbollah-led Lebanese resistance.

The second visitor was the president of the Lebanese republic, Michel Suleiman, who is a traditional Maronite stooge of CIA2, implicated in all murders of the White House Murder Inc., since on his watch as commander in chief of the LAF, and the criminal gangs of Raymond Azar, head of Lebanese Military Intelligence , the most abhorrent assassinations happened, starting with the four judges in Sidon in 1999, to the January 24th assassination of Mr. Elie Hobeika and his comrades to all the rest in 04/05/06 etc.. Despite the fact that he visited Tehran and Damascus as a president, by visiting Tehran's weaponry production facilities and fueling rumors of a possible military purchase, he offered an indication of a breakthrough in Lebanese Maronite culture showing more openness towards other countries in the region....

As we must always look to history when we need to understand the present, let me explain two apparently contradictory factors in the history of the Lebanese Christians, in particular the Lebanese Maronite who form the majority of the country's Christians and who played a major role in the creation of modern Lebanon, particularly during the period of the patriarch Areeda in the First World War.

The first fact is that Lebanese Christians (and the Christians of historical Syria) played a major role in the birth of the Arab national movement, which began in the days of Boutros Al-Bustane and Nasef Al-Yazege in the 19th century. In this period, they revived and modernized the Arabic language which was the platform on which pan-Arab thinking was based, as well as playing a crucial role in awakening Arabs to the dangers of the Zionist movement as early as the very beginning of Zionism (George Antonius, Najeeb Nasser). The second fact is the skeptical tendency of Lebanese Maronite Christians towards their Arab and Muslim surroundings

Though it is beyond the aim of this article to cast much light on the history of these two factors, one cannot help but point out briefly that both were the product of the Ottoman period. During this era (though varying from period to period) Christians found themselves dealt with as second-class citizens which made some of them look for protection from the Western forces which were ready to help within the framework of Julius Caesar's (divide and rule) famous principle, dividing to influence during the Ottoman period and dividing and ruling in the post-Ottoman period. The Lebanese Maronites' leading role in reviving Arabism in a secular form arose not only from their early contact with Western culture but was also a self-defense mechanism conceived to contribute towards making a state for all Lebanon's citizens.

The pan-Arab thinker Constantine Zurich, who came from a Syrian Christian orthodox background, has emphasized the importance of modernizing and democratizing the Arab world, arguing that doing so would reduce the traditional concerns regarding the creation of a state for all its citizens on an equal footing. He summarized this point in asserting that the majority must ensure that the minority feels secure, while the minority must not look outside the country for help and protection.

A number of issues, recent and historic, have, in my view, consolidated the Lebanese Maronites’ tendency towards openness: the first of these reasons is the defeat of the aggressive Bush-era neoconservative policy in the Middle East and the consequent defeat or weakening of the Arab faction which supported that policy.

Secondly, past experience has shown that those Lebanese Christians who allied themselves with Israel or America against the region made a fatal mistake. In the year 2000, the Lebanese Maronites saw that the Southern Lebanese army had been humiliated and treated badly by Israel, which was a major lesson to Christians that their security lay in being loyal to their region rather than to outsiders.

Israel has never cared about the Maronites; the peaceful Maronite villagers in Kufr Burum in the Galilee were ‘ethnically cleansed’ by Zionist terror groups who then went on to destroy the village and bomb it from the air.

Thirdly, the violence in Iraq against Iraqi Christians must have been another reason to opt for the pan-Arab stance, which integrates Arabs regardless of faith. It has demonstrated beyond doubt that religious fanaticism and divisions could only lead the Arab region into further civil wars and conflicts, which benefit only the graveyards and the enemies of Arabs.

In the light of this history, General Aoun's visit to Tehran and later to Syria was important because it represents a new Lebanese Christian approach towards the region, demonstrating that Arab Christians are a fully-integrated part of the Orient and that all Arabs would lose out if Arab Christians were marginalized. However the new Christian outlook proceeds from the Vatican directive issued during the period of the late Pope John Paul II, calling on Lebanese Christians to interact with their surroundings.

Yet while this open attitude is a move towards returning the Lebanese Christians to their historical role as pioneers in Arab progress, a skeptical tendency has reappeared among other Christians in the country. At a meeting held by the Phalange party on its 72nd anniversary, Amin al-Jumayl, the Lebanese President between 1982 and 1988, still known as a stooge of CIA2 , called for the establishment of federation in Lebanon, an idea which might have surprised many observers less had it come, for instance, from the mass murderer of the Lebanese Christians Samir Geagea, who is known to hold a more radical right wing stance conforming to his handlers policies as a proxy CIA Militia gang of henchmen.

It is obvious that while the 8th of March Christians have chosen to follow the Vatican's guidance and resume the liberal traditions of their 19th century forbearers, another faction has chosen to stick with the old-fashioned skepticism which has cost the country's Christians and the Lebanese generally so much blood and suffering previously, especially during the civil war of 1975.

The question of which group will have the upper hand in the future is difficult to answer. There is increasing evidence, however, that the progressive, open faction is getting stronger. This week, General Aoun begins a historic visit to Syria, the country which he declared war against in 1988. Aoun considers his visit to Syria important due to the historical bonds that link the two peoples; Saint Maron, the founder of the Maronite sect, was, after all, a Syrian whose followers moved to the mountains of Lebanon. During his visit, General Aoun is scheduled to meet with members of the Maronite and other Christian communities in Aleppo and Damascus, meaning in the view of some in the Lebanese media that he is behaving as if he were the leader of the Arab Orient's Christians. He has denied this, but did not conceal his concern for the Christians across the region as being an integral part of it, rather than connected to "the crusaders or the French in the region," in his own words.

It is certain that this argument is highly unlikely to convince those politicians who are still prisoners of the past and thus unable to search sincerely for a better political formula to resolve Syrian-Lebanese relations. Indeed, criticism of Aoun's Syrian visit came quickly from the 14th of March Christians who still hold the same old hostile position towards Syria.

However, apart from the daily politics and amid the talk about a dialogue between cultures the Lebanese and the Arab Christians, as the previous Phalange Party leader Karim Bakradoni said, can play an important role in creating real dialogue between the East and the West.

Yet this cannot happen without the adoption of a stronger Arab and Muslin position in condemning the murders of Iraqi Christians and without providing the Arab Christians with all the support needed to help them assuming their illuminating role in the Arab Orient. A strongly supportive Arab position would certainly weaken the skeptical voices among some Lebanese Christians who still believe that their security comes from outside the region. Although the Lebanese Christians' choice is first and foremost the responsibility of their leaders, it is also crucially related to the availability of greater choice in the region; more democracy and more progress towards creating a state for all citizens would no doubt empower Lebanese Christians, who view themselves as Arabs who would defend the Arab causes, with Palestine being foremost among these.

The curious political position of Lebanon's Christians

Michel Aoun, the political leader of Lebanon's Christians, has been accorded a welcome befitting royalty during a five-day visit to Syria. The Syrian Mafia boss and known KILLER, Bashar al-Assad, whose father ordered his air force to bomb Mr. Aoun out of the Lebanese presidential palace in October 1990, lent one of the handful of serviceable planes in the Syrian Arab Airlines fleet to fly the Lebanese politician to Damascus, and was on hand to welcome him on his arrival on December 3rd.

Mr. Aoun has been happy to use the visit to bolster his credentials as a statesman creating a new basis for Syrian-Lebanese relations—he modestly compared his meeting with Mr. Assad to that of Charles de Gaulle and Konrad Adenauer in 1958. Mr. Assad has his eye on the Lebanese parliamentary elections, pinning his hopes on Mr. Aoun to play his part in breaking the current majority held by the March 14th bloc, led by Saad al-Hariri. However, Mr. Aoun runs the risk of being seen to be too close to Assad, while the Syrian assassin, in lavishing such attention on a party leader, could be viewed as undermining the position of the Lebanese CIA stooge and accessory to murder , Michel Suleiman, as well as interfering in another country's internal affairs.


Mr. Aoun formed his Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) in 2005 after his return from exile in France, where he had been granted asylum after his ouster by Syrian forces 15 years previously. He had first come to prominence in the 1980s as commander of the Lebanese army and as a fierce opponent of the Syrian military presence in the country. (He assumed the role of acting president during the power vacuum that followed the end of Amin Gemayel's chaotic term in 1988, after missing the opportunity to end Lebanon's internal strife with the Tripartite agreement of 1985, which he scuttled with Geagea at the behest of CIA.)

After Syrian troops left in the wake of the assassination of Rafiq al-Hariri, a former prime minister and the architect of Lebanon's post-war reconstruction, in February 2005, Mr. Aoun put himself forward as a reforming politician, challenging the structures that Mr. Hariri had established as part of a Saudi-brokered post-war settlement. Mr. Aoun collaborated closely with Hezbollah, the dominant Shia political force in Lebanon, in the 2005 election, and his list, comprising the FPM and some Christian allies, won 21 of the 128 seats, giving him a solid platform in parliament. He has since strengthened his ties to Hizbullah through drawing up proposals for the eventual integration of the group's weapons into the state's armed forces, an initiative that in practice helped to legitimize Hizbullah's military arm as he also recognized the central role that the group played in resisting Israel.

Mr. Assad has been happy to bask in the reflected glory of Mr. Aoun, both as a champion of the Lebanese resistance and as a popular Christian leader. During his visit to Syria, Mr. Aoun visited a number of churches and monasteries (as well as the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus), thereby underlining the point that Syria cherishes its own Christian minorities and is a model of religious tolerance.


The welcome provided by Mr. Assad to Mr. Aoun (and to other recent Lebanese visitors to Damascus, including the army commander, General Jean Qahwaji) has been in stark contrast to his approach to March 14th, a Sunni Muslim-dominated bloc, including Christian rivals to Mr. Aoun and the Druze mass murderer, Walid Jumblatt. Mr. Assad has accused Mr. Hariri's Future Movement of well known complicity in financing terrorist attacks within Syria, and the Syrian media has maintained a torrent of hostile comment towards Saudi Arabia, Mr. Hariri's strongest regional ally and chief instigators of Salafists terror in the whole area, especially in Lebanon's camps, home to the most despicable bands of terror in the world.

Mr. Assad decided in October to approve the establishment of formal diplomatic relations with Lebanon for the first time, a move that was heartily applauded by France, which has adopted a markedly more friendly policy towards Syria since Nicolas Sarkozy became president. However, several highly sensitive issues in the two countries' relations remain to be resolved, notably the demarcation and securing of the border, logistical supplies from Syria and Iran to Hizbullah and the international tribunal that has been set up to try those suspected of involvement in Mr. Hariri's assassination and in a series of subsequent political killings.

It is clear that Mr. Assad would be much more comfortable addressing these issues with a Lebanese government in which his local allies held the balance of power. That is why he is devoting so much effort to cultivating these allies and in seeking to undermine March 14th, stooges and cronies of CIA2 and MOSSAD.